Anglo-Mewar Treaty Of 1818 played a vital role in Mewar history in 19th and 20th century. M. S Mehta writes That the Ranas of Udaipur had never before so effectively and so definitely surrendered their independence to any other power, not even to the Mughal Power, as they did to the Company in 1818.[1]
Maharana Bhim Singh concluded this treaty in order to protect Udaipur from the incursions of the Marathas and the Pindaris. This has been supported by Dr. M. S. Mehta also. [2] But this appears to be a mistaken view. According to Ojha, Gehlot and Shyamaldas the Maharana did not conclude the Anglo-Mewar Treaty Of 1818 as a measure of security against external aggression. The fear of the Pindari menace was over in 1817 when the British concluded a treaty with Amir Khan, by which a certain portion of territory was granted to him in perpetuity and by which he agreed to refrain from further aggression.[3]
The treaty with Sindhia in 1817 released the British from the restrictions of the treaty of 1805. By the treaty of 1817 Rajputana was relieved of Sindhia’s influence and the British were free to conclude alliances with the Rajput states.[4]
By 1817 the Maratha power was effectually crippled, Baji Rao was dethroned, Nagpur was brought under subordination, Sindha’s influence was restricted and Holkar had been defeated.
Under the circumstances it would not be right to presume that the Maharana remained unaware of the fact that the Maratha power had been crushed specially when the Maharana had direct contacts with some of the British officers and moreover some states of Rajasthan had concluded treaties with the British prior to Udaipur.
Hence the argument that the Maharana of Udaipur concluded the Anglo-Mewar Treaty Of 1818 as a measure of security against the Marathas does not hold much substance. It was the troubled internal situation and the desire to restore order and establish his authority that prompted the Maharana to conclude the treaty.
The nobles had reduced the Maharana to a figurehead; they flaunted his authority and displayed a rebellious attitude towards him. They had extended their possessions in Khalsa land, they even levied custom duties which were due only to the Rana.[5]
The Maharana’s influence extended only to his capital and a small area around it.[6] The revenue of the Crown lands, had been reduced to half a lac of rupees per annum. Grain was sold at seven rupees a seer in Udaipur when elsewhere thrice the quantity was available for the same price. Udaipur which once possessed fifty thousand houses within its walls now had only three thousand houses, all the rest were in ruins.[7]
The Maharana did not even have fifty horses to attend on him; he was in such severe financial straits that for the means of his subsistence he depended on the bounty of Zalim Singh of Kota. Zalim Singh of Kota gave the Maharana an allowance of Rs. 1000/-A year.[8]
Moreover the financially decrepit condition of Maharana made him dependent upon the local chief’s and sardars of his realm. There were instances when the Maharana had to seek the financial aid of his sardars.[9]
Due to this financial stringency the Maharana was unable to hold his own and the nobility acquired a refractoryAttitude. The Marathas had extorted 181 lacs of rupees in cash besides territory yielding an annual revenue of 28 lacs.[10] This had been aggravated by the usurpations of the Maharana’s feudal chiefs and nobles.[11]
The position of law and order in the state of Mewar was no deplorable that the rate of insurance for providing safety for a short distance from Udaipur to Nathdwara was eight percent.[12]
Thus Udaipur was almost approaching the point of dissolution on the eve of the conclusion of this treaty. The Maharana was not in a position to solve the internal problems of his state himself nor could he seek the aid of other Rajput States because most of the Rajput states suffered from similar internal destructions and their rulers were not in a position to render aid to each other.[13]
There did not exist any common cord of friendship among the states of Rajputana. Apart from this the relations of Udaipur with Jodhpur and Jaipur had been strained ever since the Krishna Kumari episode.[14]
Hence the Maharana saw the futility of accepting aid from his own brethren and he decided to accept the British alliance to restore order in his state.
The Restoration of internal order which the Maharana desired is inherent in clause seven of the Anglo-Mewar Treaty concluded on 13th January 1818 which states that “The British Government will keep in mind the restoration of the prosperity of the state of Udaipur and after ascertaining the nature of each case, will use its best exertions for the accomplishment of this object”.[15]
This clause explicitly indicates that restoration of internal order in Mewar was one of the objects of the Anglo-Mewar Treaty and it was this object which was mainly responsible for inducing the Maharana to sign it.
The working of the treaty also bears testimony to the fact that the main motive which impelled the Maharana to sign the Anglo-Mewar Treaty was the desire to suppress the refractory nobility and to settle the chaotic conditions of Mewar.
Soon after the conclusion of the treaty Tod was Appointed as the political Agent of Mewar. He took charge on the 13th of March 1818.[16] One of his first acts was to convene a meeting of all the nobles in order to affect an agreement between the nobility and the Maharana.[17]
As a result of this meeting a Kaulnamah (agreement) was drawn up which affected an agreement between the nobility and the Maharana.[18] There was hardly any branch of administration which remained outside the pale of British interference and this was never resented by the Maharana.[19]
In fact the Maharana several times recalled the political Agent after he had been withdrawn, to restore order in his State.[20]
Thus the Maharana concluded Anglo-Mewar Treaty Of 1818 not owing to the fear of the Marathas but due to the desire for internal order. The British on their part did not conclude this treaty as an anti-Maratha measure but with the intention of making the Company a paramount power. By this time the Maratha power was completely crushed and there was no necessity of an anti-Maratha alliance with the Rajput states.
The clauses of the treaty also nowhere mention the Marathas and the Pindaries. There is a clause which makes provision for protection from external aggression and this clause is generally interpreted as anti-Maratha, Anti-pindari.
But such an interpretation of this clause is incorrect. This was a general clause included in almost every treaty which the British made since the time of Wellesley. When the East India Company deprived the Indian States of their external sovereignty and sought to make itself the arbiter of their destinies by assuming the role of a paramount power, the insertion of such a clause was inevitable.
Such clauses were part of the general scheme which Hastings wanted to follow towards the Indian States. In this treaty the East India Company did not even take upon itself the responsibility of freeing that portion of the territory of Mewar which was under the possessions of the Marathas.[21] This clearly signifies that the treaty was not anti-Maratha.
Yet another issue on which Dr. M. S. Mehta and A. C. Benerjee’s views do not seem to be valid is the role played by Ajit Singh in the conclusion of this treaty.[22] Ajit Singh was the agent of the Maharana who negotiated the treaty with Metcalfe, the agent of Lord Hastings. Dr. Mehta and Dr. Banerjee assert that Metcalfe was prepared to modify Article I of the treaty in which the Rana promised “to act in subordinate co-operation with the British Government and to acknowledge its supremacy”, but Ajlt Singh offered no resistance and thus failed in the proper execution of his duty.[23]
This view of Ajit Singh’s role is not wholly rational. Firstly, how could Ajit Singh know that Metcalfe was prepared to concede and offer better terms. Secondly, this article had been included in all the previous treaties which the East India Company had concluded. Hence Ajit Singh must have taken it as a necessary clause of the Anglo-Mewar Treaty Of 1818.
Apart from this Ajit Singh knowing the internal situation of his state was not in a position to resist British terms. Ajit Singh got no pecuniary advantage from the British and the Maharana did not show any resentment towards Ajit Singh. This further proves that Ajit Singh did not play a treacherous role. So far as the Maharana and Ajit Singh were concerned the internal situation of Mewar had left them with no other alternative but the acceptance of the treaty even if it meant the acceptance of British supremacy.
As far as the British were concerned the establishment of British paramountcy demanded the conclusion of Anglo-Mewar Treaty Of 1818. Thus it may be said that both the British and the Maharana were induced to conclude this treaty by different intentions but the intention of checking the Maratha power was not the intention of both. The degenerate and desolate conditions of Mewar and the nature of British imperialism were the two factors which led to the conclusion of this treaty.
Anglo-Mewar Treaty Of 1818 was therefore a part of Lord Hastings general policy of bringing all the Indian States, specially the Rajputs under British influence for establishing British paramountcy and creating a barrier between British territory and the strong natural frontier of India. The conclusion of the treaty was facilitated by the willingness of the Rana. This willingness was prompted not by fear of Maratha danger but by the danger of the impending dissolution of the state owing to its degenerate internal condition.
REFERENCES
[1] M.S. Mehta, Lord Hasting and the Indian States, p. 128.
[2] Ojha, Rajputnna ka Itihas, p. 1012. Gehlot, Rajputana ka Itihas, pp. 272-73. Shyamaldas, Vir Vinod Vol. II, p. 1043.
[3] Raksha Kaul, Anglo-Mewar Treaty Of 1818, Proceedings of Rajasthan History Congress, pp. 124-128.
[4] Atchison, Treaties, Engagements and Sanads, Vol. II,Article 9, p. 408.
[5] M.S. Mehta, op. cit., p. 128.
[6] Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. III, 1880, p. 21.
[7] Tod, Annals And Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 378.
[8] Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. II, 1880, p. 21.
[9] Ojha, Rajputana Ka Itihas, Vol. I, p. 985; रावत भीमसिंह और चूड़ावत सरदारों ने महाराना को अपने कब्जे में कर लिया था। राजमाता ने जब महाराजा के विवाह पर सरदारों से पैसे मांगे तो उन्होंने देने से इन्कार कर दिया।
[10] Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. II, 1880, p. 22.
[11] Prinsep, Political and Military Transactions.
[12] Shyamaldas, Vir Vonod, F, 1745.
[13] Raghuvir Singh, Purva Adhunik Rajasthan.
[14] Vir Vinod, p. 1742.
[15] Atchison, Treaties, Engagements and Sanads, Vol. II
[16] Tod, op. cit., p. 374.
[17] Atchison, op. cit., Vol. V
[18] Ibid.
[19] Tod, op. cit.
[20] Atchison, op. cit. Banerjee, East India Company and the Rajput States, p. 358.
[21] Atchison, op. cit.
[22] A.C. Banerjee, East India Company and the Rajput States, p. 305.
[23] M.S. Mehta, Lord Hastings and the Indian States, p. 35; Ajit Singh was not disinterested enough in the execution of his duty.
